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「米朝不可侵条約締結で、日本は核武装の可能性」防衛大学校長 WP
http://www.asyura.com/0306/war38/msg/476.html
投稿者 倉田佳典 日時 2003 年 8 月 16 日 09:27:28:eahs5MlcSyO0.

米朝不可侵条約は日米安保に矛盾 防大校長、米紙に寄稿 (朝日新聞)

 防衛大学校の西原正校長は14日付の米紙・ワシントン・ポストに寄稿し、米国が北朝鮮と不可侵条約を結べば、日米安保条約と矛盾すると指摘したうえで、「在韓米軍の撤退につながるだけでなく、日本の核武装を正当化することになるかもしれない」と述べた。27日から北京で開かれる6者協議での米政府の対応に懸念を表明したものだ。

 「北朝鮮のトロイの木馬」と題された寄稿で西原氏は、不可侵条約を結んだ場合の危険性について、北朝鮮が核兵器開発を放棄した場合でも、生物・化学兵器は保有しており、日本に対する攻撃に使用する可能性があると指摘。その場合、在日米軍は北朝鮮と不可侵条約を結んでいるために日本を防衛できない可能性があるとしたうえで、「日本は米国との同盟に依存できなくなり、報復のための核兵器開発を決定するかもしれない」と論じた。

 西原氏は不可侵条約を結ぶ代わりに、日米韓3国が北朝鮮を国家承認して外交関係を結び、平壌に大使館を開設すべきだと主張した。また、条約に署名すれば、北朝鮮側は在韓米軍の撤退を要求し、韓国側の世論も北朝鮮の要求を支持するかもしれない▽北朝鮮側が「南北統一」を求め、日本国内にも沖縄を中心に、米軍基地の縮小または閉鎖を求める議論が出る――などの可能性も指摘した。

(08/15 01:26)
http://www.asahi.com/politics/update/0815/002.html

http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/articles/A55858-2003Aug13.html

North Korea's Trojan Horse

By Masashi Nishihara
Thursday, August 14, 2003; Page A19

YOKOSUKA, Japan -- It is unfortunate that North Korea's proposal for a "nonaggression pact" with the United States appears to be gaining support among some prominent U.S. policymakers and other influential figures. Such a pact would in fact lead only to a withdrawal of U.S. troops from South Korea and perhaps even to Japan's justifying the development of its own nuclear weapons.

North Korea believes that its national security has been seriously threatened by a series of President Bush's remarks and acts, including his "axis of evil" speech in January 2002, which included North Korea as one of the evils, and his war against Saddam Hussein. North Korean leaders believe that President Bush is aiming for "regime change" in Pyongyang. Therefore, from the viewpoint of their leader, Kim Jong Il, North Korea needs nuclear weapons to dissuade Washington from attacking. As an alternative, Kim would accept a nonaggression pact with the United States to guarantee the security of his regime.

But by deliberately protracting negotiations concerning the format of multilateral talks, North Korea has actually been buying time to develop its nuclear weapons further. Indeed, Pyongyang's agreement to the multilateral talks involving the two Koreas, the United States, China, Japan and Russia does not offer much reason for optimism. Pyongyang can find all kinds of excuses for stalling the talks and continuing to work on its nuclear weapons.

The principal condition for the negotiations that North Korea will try to impose on the United States is the proposed nonaggression pact with Washington. In the past North Korea has demanded such an agreement in return for its renouncing its nuclear weapons program and permitting full inspections of its nuclear facilities.

But this is a dangerous offer that could eventually backfire on the United States. Washington should not sign a pact stating that it has no intention of launching a nuclear attack on North Korea.

A nonaggression pact would be extremely risky. First, how would the signatories ensure that the on-site inspections of suspected facilities were complete and that North Korea had in fact abandoned its nuclear arms programs?

Second, once a nonaggression pact was signed, Pyongyang might demand the withdrawal of American troops from South Korea. It would argue that an American presence on the Korean peninsula was no longer needed now that both sides had promised not to wage war against each other. Moreover, the South Korean public would be likely to support North Korea's demand.

Third, if the American troops left South Korea, Pyongyang would appeal to its South Korean "brothers" to call for a united Korea without a U.S. role. In addition, some Japanese, particularly those in Okinawa, would probably argue that American bases in Okinawa ought to be downgraded or closed.

Finally, and most important, a nonaggression pact between North Korea and the United States would conflict with the Japan-U.S. Security Treaty. A North Korea without nuclear weapons would still possess biological and chemical weapons and could use them to attack Japan. In such an event, the U.S. forces in Japan could not help defend Japan in accordance with their bilateral treaty, since the United States would already have promised not to attack North Korea. Facing that possibility, Tokyo could no longer rely on its alliance with Washington and thus might decide to develop its own retaliatory nuclear weapons.

Instead of a nonaggression pact, the United States, together with Japan and South Korea, should offer diplomatic recognition to Pyongyang. Bilateral and multilateral talks involving North Korea have already demonstrated the de facto recognition of that country by the three countries. If it were made official, the three countries could open embassies in Pyongyang, which would then be better able to observe the country and to continue communicating with the government.

In the meantime, the United States and Japan should target nonmilitary sanctions at the North Korean leaders to convince them that their tactics of buying time are not paying off. Such sanctions should include measures to detect and shelve the trade of technologies and weapons of mass destruction, as well as to retard the trade of illicit drugs and counterfeit currencies. This can be done through the close observation and possible interdiction of North Korean ships on the high seas.

Last month, using the excuse of stricter safety regulations, Japan succeeded in temporarily shutting down the visit to Japan of a North Korean ferry that allegedly was being used as a spy ship and for the illegal purchases of technologies. This was a good first step in the right direction.

The writer is president of Japan's National Defense Academy.


c 2003 The Washington Post Company

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