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Re: FT.com(電子版)の社説では産経記事のような積極支持ではないのです。紙面版ではどうなっているのでしょうか。
http://www.asyura2.com/0601/dispute24/msg/652.html
投稿者 gataro 日時 2006 年 11 月 03 日 17:51:10: KbIx4LOvH6Ccw
 

(回答先: 英紙が日本の改憲支持「9条は実体失っている」 投稿者 まさちゃん 日時 2006 年 11 月 03 日 14:20:34)

小生の英語力が不足しているのかもしれないが、次の電子版の11月2日付社説の内容は見出し(「日本国憲法」)からして産経記事とは大違い。

ただ9条の穏やかな改訂については中国は問題とし難かろうという意味のことは書いてある。社説末尾(投稿者による下線部)である。


http://www.ft.com/cms/s/57002878-6a16-11db-952e-0000779e2340.html から転載。

Editorial Comment

Japan's constitution

Published: November 2 2006 02:00 | Last updated: November 2 2006 02:00

A plan by a nationalist Japanese prime minister to revise the country's pacifist postwar constitution will inevitably revive lingering concerns in Asia and the west about a possible return of the militarism that did so much damage in the 1930s and the 1940s.

Shinzo Abe, who has replaced Junichiro Koizumi, is indeed a nationalist, and any revision of the constitution now will certainly mean watering down the eternal renunciation of war enshrined in Article 9.

Such fears, however, are misplaced. Mr Abe's intention to rewrite, within his maximum six years in office, the constitution imposed by the US occupation forces in 1946 is sensible and overdue. There is nothing to alarm military strategists about his comment to the Financial Times - in his first newspaper interview since taking over - that he wants to "open up a new era for Japan".

Japanese liberals and women may have more grounds for complaint, given that some of the proposals drafted by Mr Abe's ruling Liberal Democratic party could undermine the egalitarian idealism entrenched in the existing constitution by its American authors.

On the military side, the promise in Article 9 that "land, sea and air forces, as well as other war potential, will never be maintained" has already been flouted, although a verbal figleaf to cover up the reality of Japan's powerful navy, army and air force is maintained by calling them the "Self-Defence Forces" and restricting them to non-violent roles in international peacekeeping operations.

Revisions to the pacifist language of the constitution are in any case likely to be cautious, if only because Mr Abe and the LDP must win broad political and public support to push the changes through parliament and have them approved in a referendum.

The tricky part will be to change the constitution without antagonising China, which suffered under Japanese occupation before and during the second world war and is wary of Japan's increasing self-confidence and its strong military alliance with the US.

So far, Mr Abe has handled the China relationship deftly, defusing the vexed issue of prime ministerial visits to the Yasukuni shrine in Tokyo (which commemorates Japanese war criminals as well as other soldiers) and securing within 10 days of taking office a summit meeting in Beijing that had eluded Mr Koizumi for the previous five years.

Mr Abe, the first Japanese prime minister born after the war, has done this by holding out the hand of friendship to China while refusing to say publicly whether he does or does not intend to visit Yasukuni as prime minister. China, having focused almost obsessively on Yasukuni, will now find it hard to complain about modest revisions to a 60-year-old constitution provided Mr Abe does not actually visit the shrine.

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