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(回答先: フランスにおける15年以上のユダヤ人戦闘集団のテロ活動（その1） 投稿者 木村愛二 日時 2007 年 5 月 10 日 21:27:47)
Collusion of the Interior Minister with Jewish Militants
In 1986, when Laurent Fabius was Prime Minister of France, his wife, Mme. Fran?oise Castro, revealed that the Jewish militants and the Interior Minister were working hand in hand. She stated: "An extraordinary novelty in political behavior: the Left has allowed Jewish militants to establish themselves in some quarters of Paris and also in Toulouse, Marseille, and Strasbourg [and to have] regular contacts with the Interior Minister." (Le Monde, March 7, 1986, p. 8). Castro and Fabius are both Jewish.
By a sort of consensus it seems to be generally agreed that the Jews must be treated in France as a privileged minority whose "anger" (col?re) must be excused. (This word crops up in the press with nagging persistence.) By law, private militia groups are not legal in France. But the authorities allow one exception to this law. Jewish militants are the only ones permitted to bear arms in France. (See the photograph of a Jew armed with an automatic pistol on the roof of a building in the rue de Nazareth. Lib?ration, Oct. 14, 1986, p. 56.) France's criminal police investigators are thus paralyzed in their investigations of crimes committed by these militants, who are euphemistically called "young Jewish activists of Paris." These militant groups enjoy at least a partial guarantee of impunity in France. The worst thing their members have to fear is having to go into exile in Germany or Israel for a spell.
Apologists for Jewish Violence
Simone Veil, former secretary general of the Magistrates Council and a former government minister, provides a prime example of persons in France's Jewish community who incite actual murder. In 1985, in connection with Klaus Barbie, she declared: "Listen, I believe very sincerely that I would not have been shocked by a summary execution [of Barbie]" (Le Monde, Dec. 24, 1985, p. 14). She repeated the statement on April 22, 1992, during a broadcast shown on the country's Second television network entitled "Vichy: Remembering and Forgetting." During a discussion of the Touvier trial (which had disappointed her, in spite of the life imprisonment sentence handed down against the octogenarian with cancer), she said:
If we wanted a trial in which things are spoken of in their true light and that doesn't turn out like the Touvier trial, well then, in the last analysis it would have been necessary for someone, like me for example, at some moment or other to coldly murder someone.
The murderer would then be in a position, Simone Veil continued, to explain publicly the reasons for his act. She spoke in the same spirit in 1994, on the occasion of the murder of Ren? Bousquet, which was committed by a visionary who had been incited by the frequent calls for vengeance appearing at the time in French newspapers and in Jewish circles. On that occasion, Veil declared: "Besides, if I'd had the courage, I'd have gone and killed him myself." (Globe Hebdo, May 11-17, 1994, p. 21).
On December 14, 1992, in report broadcast nationwide on the American PBS radio network, Professor Pierre Vidal-Naquet could be heard saying in English: "I hate Faurisson. If I could, I'd kill him personally."
Calls for physical violence have appeared many times in French papers. An example: "As far as he is concerned, Jacques Kupfer, president of [the militantly Zionist] Herout de France, has a precise idea of the Jewish response to the FN [Front National]: 'I have never been of the opinion that anti-Semitism is settled by means of communiqu?s or philosophical discussions,' he said. 'But I know how you settle the problem of the anti-Semites: in a very physical manner. Jewish young people must be ready for that: there's no need to cry, or to be afraid, or to complain' ..." (Arie Ben Abraham, "Le Pacte communautaire" [The Community Pact], Tribune juive, week of May 25 to June 1, 1995, p. 15.)
A list of incendiary statements by French Jews in positions of responsibility calling for physical violence would be a long one. Jews do not shrink from political assassination. On this subject, one may read the recent work of Nachman Ben-Yehuda, Political Assassination by Jews: A Rhetorical Device for Justice (New York: State Univ. of New York Press, 1993). We know the considerable role played by Jews in the Bolshevik revolution. [See: M. Weber, "The Jewish Role in the Bolshevik Revolution and Russia's Early Soviet Regime," Jan.-Feb. 1994 Journal.] In France, the song of the partisans was written by two Jews, Joseph Kessel (1898-1979) and Maurice Druon, both of whom were later members of the French Academy. The song's refrain is well known: "Hey there! Killers by gun or blade. Kill swiftly!" ("Oh?! Les tueurs ? la balle et au couteau. Tuez vite!").
For more than three decades, Serge Klarsfeld and his German-born wife, Beate, have dedicated themselves to tracking down "Nazi war criminals" and fighting "neo-Nazism" and Holocaust revisionism. In his Lettre ? un k?pi blanc (1975, p. 93), Bernard Clavel wrote: "War poisons peace. Look at that German woman, Beate Klarsfeld, who passes life in hatred, who lives only for vengeance."
On July 24, 1978, at a news conference in Paris following the indictment in Cologne of Kurt Lischka, Serge Klarsfeld stated: "We are not seeking vengeance. If that were our aim, it would have been easy for us to kill all the Nazi criminals we have tracked down." "And if the court in Cologne refuses to try Lischka?," someone asked. Klarsfeld replied: "That in a way would be signing his death sentence" (Le Monde, July 26, 1978, p. 4). In 1982 the Klarsfelds engaged the services of a hired assassin, a Bolivian socialist of Indian origin named Juan Carlos, to assassinate Klaus Barbie (Life, Feb. 1985, p. 65), but the operation did not succeed.
During a 1986 interview with the Chicago Tribune (June 29, 1986), Beate Klarsfeld told "how she haunted at least three former Nazis until they committed suicide or died; how she organized attempts to kidnap others; how she used headline-making gimmicks to bring to trial or to ruin the careers of many who were convinced the world had forgotten them." She related how she slapped the face of German Chancellor Kurt-Georg Kiesinger in public in 1968. "Once, she and several friends tried to kidnap Kurt Lischka" but the operation failed because the car they were using had only two doors. As for Ernst Ehlers, "harassed by Klarsfeld-organized demonstrations outside his home, he first resigned his position [as judge] and then committed suicide."
After picking up the trail of Walter Rauff in Chile, the Klarsfelds organized demonstrations in front of his house and broke his windows. "He died a couple of months later," Beate Klarsfeld told the American daily. "I was glad, because as long as these people are alive, they are an offense to their victims." "My husband and I are not fanatics ... Once my husband held a pistol to the temple of Rauff, just to show that we could kill him, but he didn't pull the trigger."
In 1988, Serge Klarsfeld stated: "No one has really gone after Le Pen in dead earnest. We ought to have provoked confrontations with him so that ... he'd take the most extreme position possible." (Le Soir [Brussels], quoted in Rivarol, July 1, 1988, p. 5).
In 1991, Beate Klarsfeld entered Syria with fraudulent papers to go after Alois Brunner (who was already disfigured and missing most of his fingers as the result of letter bombs). In front of his presumed residence, she wanted to repeat the kind of demonstration that had been staged in front of the home of Paul Touvier in 1972 (which was broken into, looted, and laid waste). [See: "Alois Brunner Talks About His Past," in the Spring 1990 Journal, pp. 123ff.]
In 1992, the Klarsfelds organized what Le Monde (Oct. 21, 1992, p. 4) called "the savage escapade of the Betar at Rostock ... spreading terror in the central square of the Rostock town hall, with French and Israeli flags displayed, calling passersby 'dirty Germans, dirty Nazis!'." A short time later Beate Klarsfeld expressed approval of the Betar attack against the Goethe Institute (German cultural center) in Paris, calling it an act of "legitimate violence" because the Rostock police had briefly held and questioned a few of the Jewish attackers. (Der Standard [Vienna], Oct. 23, 1992). Nine of the policemen had been injured, among them several who required hospitalization after being beaten with baseball bats and iron bars, and sprayed with "defensive" gas.
On June 8, 1993, Rene Bousquet, former secretary general of the police in the wartime Vichy government (and who was later deported by the Germans), was struck down in his Paris residence by a fanatic. The attacker, who spewed out verbiage a la Klarsfeld, explained his action as that of a lover of justice who had already tried to kill Paul Touvier. Writing in the French daily Le Monde (June 10, 1993, p. 28), Annick Cojean referred to Serge Klarsfeld: "Was he not the slayer of Bousquet? The one who had tracked him down, pursued him, attacked him, forced him to resign from his every position from 1978 to 1989? And was he not [by this killing] robbed of a long awaited trial? The lawyer [Klarsfeld] quietly smiles: 'Why deny it? What I feel today is relief above all. And if that runs counter to the interests of the trial, so be it! I can't be worrying about what those people want. That's too much for me'."
Already on September 16, 1989, upon learning of the attack against Professor Faurisson, Serge Klarsfeld had stated in a broadcast on "Radio J" ("J" for "Jewish"):
It's not so surprising, because anyone who provokes the Jewish community for years on end has to expect an occurrence of this kind. You can't insult the memory of the victims without there being consequences. That may be regrettable, perhaps, but it's normal and only natural.
His wife, Beate, similarly stated: "What could be more normal than that some young people may have gotten angry and tried to teach Faurisson a lesson?." (Le Monde, Sept. 19, 1989, p. 14).
Although Serge Klarsfeld is an attorney and an officer of the National Order of Merit, he has never concealed his taste for violent action as long as the victims are persons he regards as "criminals." In the same spirit, he has also admitted resorting to lies and blackmail. (See: Arno Klarsfeld, "Pourquoi je suis juif" ["Why I am a Jew"], Information juive, June 1994, p. 9, and, S. Klarsfeld, "Lettre ? Fran?ois Mitterrand," Lib?ration, Sept. 12, 1994, p. 6.)
In 1989, following the nearly fatal attack against him in Vichy, Faurisson shared some thoughts with Choc du mois (Dec. 1989, pp. 42f.) -- remarks that have become all the more relevant with the passage of time and, in particular, the assassination of Bousquet. For the Klarsfelds or other such friends of the Israeli Embassy in Paris, said the Professor, "it is easy to arouse strong feelings and to stir into action those who mean to take justice into their own hands." Faurisson concluded:
I think ... that a Jewish terrorism exists. It is lament- able, and the lament covers the sounds of the blows and the screams of the victims... In order to silence me, it will be necessary to kill me. And a host of revisionists in France and abroad will then take my place.
Intimidation and Pressure
This essay deals with acts of physical violence committed by Jewish militant groups. It confirms that in this country the Jewish community, "happy as God in France" (a Yiddish proverb), enjoys exorbitant privileges. Other, non-physical actions further highlight these privileges. Consider two cases involving Robert Faurisson, at the University of Lyon II, and Bernard Notin, at the University of Lyon III. By law, each of these professors was incontestably entitled to practice his profession and resume his lectures.
Dr. Marc Aron decided otherwise. Along with such organizations as the Union of Jewish Students of France, he cynically declared that as far as they were concerned, these two teachers would never again be able to work. Without so much as a murmur, all the presidents of the Republic in succession, all the prime ministers, all the Education Ministers, all the university presidents, and all the labor unions promptly submitted to that edict.
Several months after the decision, Prof. Faurisson learned in a letter delivered by ordinary mail, and with no form of explanation, that his professorship had been eliminated.
In June 1994 Bernard Notin thought he had found a way out of this problem, and Le Monde announced (June 9, 1994, p. 14) that "Bernard Notin is leaving to teach in Morocco." But a few days later Le Monde reported (June 11, 1994, p. 6) that the announcement of his departure for the University of Oujda "had provoked a reaction of 'shock' [scandalis?e] on the part of the Union of Jewish Students of France (UEJF), which demands the cancellation of the contract signed by the two institutions (French and Moroccan) and 'the definitive dismissal of M. Notin from the teaching profession'."
Not a single major newspaper raised its voice to point out that Marc Aron and his institutions or organizations were gravely infringing on the rights of civil servants, hindering the freedom to work, and inflicting considerable injury not only to individuals but to the normal functioning of the country's institutions. In fear and trembling, French authorities acquiesced to Marc Aron and his militants. After seeing to it that two professors who had aroused their "anger" were no longer allowed to practice their profession, Aron and his friends were able to count on Le canard encha?n?, a satirical journal that specializes in denouncing scandals, to proclaim the "scandal" of two professors who are paid (on short allowance) for not working.
Organized Jewry and its influential cohorts excel in repression through the legal system and the media. "The unjust force of the law" operates on behalf of the Jewish community, and to the detriment of those who are labelled "anti-Jewish" or "anti-Semitic." Those who are so labelled find themselves severely punished for the least word or thought judged to be heretical. Fines, damages and imprisonment ruin their lives and destroy their families. The media, whose venom glands never run dry, contribute their part to this hysteria of vengeance.
In other countries as well, Jewish terrorism manifests the same characteristics. Apart from the extraordinary circumstances of the Judeo-Arab conflict, Jews act as aggressors without themselves ever being subject to physical attack by any group or organization, either anti-Jewish or reputed to be.
During the period under consideration here (1976-June 1995), no group, commando or militant has committed an act of physical violence against a Jew in France. (Attacks in the unusual context of the Arab-Jewish conflict are another matter.) But this remarkable fact seems to have escaped political observers of every stripe. The balance sheet up to now is as follows: on the one hand, some 50 acts of Jewish violence organized and carried out over a 20-year period by armed militants, resulting in hundreds of victims; and, on the other hand, not a single organized act of violence against a Jew.
With the Betar/Tagar organization, France's well-organized Jewish community possesses -- with Interior Ministry approval -- a paramilitary force the like of which does not exist for any other ethnic, religious or minority group in France.
As Le Choc du mois noted in its report on these militant groups (June 1991, p. 11), the Fifth French television network, on April 4, 1990, broadcast a program on the Betar/Tagar militants. It showed a student receiving a beating at the hands of the "Tagarim" as he was leaving the (university) Faculte d'Assas in Paris.
On May 18, 1990, this same television network broadcast a second report devoted to the training of Betar/Tagar militants, "copied after that of the Israeli soldier," which they receive two times a week at a chateau in the vicinity of Sarcelles (a suburb of Paris): paramilitary exercises and close action combat training under the Israeli flag. Such exercises might conceivably be carried out for show, as a sort of "cinema" to impress people. But the training of Betar/Tagar militants finds expression in criminal attacks and commando operations that enjoy Interior Ministry protection, support (in fact if not in words) from so-called "anti-racist" organizations, and sympathetic treatment on the part of the media.
Annie Kriegel, who is Jewish, in 1990 denounced "an intolerable Jewish thought police" (Le Figaro, April 3, 1990, p. 2, and, L'Arche, April 1990, p. 25). In fact, this "thought police" acts with the authority of law, thanks to Rabbi Sirat, who launched the idea of an anti-revisionist law (Bulletin de l'Agence telegraphique juive, June 2, 1986, p. 1), and thanks to Laurent Fabius, who can justly claim credit for taking the parliamentary initiative in passing the law. (The Fabius-Gayssot law makes it a crime to "contest crimes against humanity" as defined by the 1946 Judgment of of the Nuremberg International Military Tribunal. On the basis of this law, several legal actions have been brought against Prof. Faurisson and many other revisionists. See, for example: "French Court Fines Faurisson, Roques for 'Holocaust Denial' Book," Nov.-Dec. 1995 Journal, pp. 13-17.) As a result of the disgustingly hyperbolic and obsequious media coverage of the desecration of Jewish graves in the Carpentras cemetery -- a crime in which, it turns out, the son of a synagogue officiant was apparently involved -- all opposition to the final vote on the Sirat-Fabius-Gayssot law was paralyzed.
Alongside this outrageous thought police, there exists in France an intolerable Israeli-style armed police that operates with unconcealed force.
A useful source of information about this entire subject is the detailed 416-page book by Emmanuel Ratier, Les Guerriers d'Israel: Enquete sur les milices sionistes ("The Warriors of Israel: An investigation of Zionist militant groups," Facta, 37, rue d'Amsterdam, 75008 Paris, 1995).
On May 7, 1995, in Toronto (Canada), the home of revisionist Ernst Zundel was devastated in a criminal arson attack. A few days later, Z?ndel received a booby-trapped package (which he turned over to the police, who exploded it). Many other examples of this kind of violence -- usually preceded by a hateful press campaign -- could be cited. Further information on this subject is given in The Zionist Terror Network: Background and Operation of the Jewish Defense League and other Criminal Zionist Groups, a booklet by Mark Weber published by the Institute for Historical Review (revised and updated edition, 1993).
There is a danger that such acts of violence will grow in number in France if the Jewish minority continues to have armed groups of militants at its disposal. Similar acts of terrorism will doubtless continue in France as long as the Jewish community continues to enjoy a privileged status in the country.
Pending such a drastic change, at least the Palace of Justice in Paris and its immediate surroundings should be closed off to any group or leader of any group (such as Moshe Cohen) whose terrorist intentions are manifest. It is outrageous that a certain category of persons who have been summoned to court, and those accompanying them, have had to fear physical attack while entering or leaving the 17th chambre correctionnelle court (presided over by Martine Ract-Madoux or Jean-Yves Monfort), or the 11th section of the Court of Appeals (presided over by Fran?oise Simon or Violette Hannoun).
Speaking of attacks against revisionists carried out in and in front of the court building, Jean-Pierre Bloch exclaimed in 1980: "The pip-squeak little Nazis got the thrashing they deserved in front of the Palace of Justice." (Liberation, Sept. 24, 1980). It is shocking that Jewish militants are permitted to hang out at the court house with all the privileges accorded to officers of the national police. No one can pretend to be ignorant of these acts of physical violence, which the LICRA president was publicly sanctioning 15 years ago and which, for the past 15 years, have been occurring with the complicity of the forces of law and order. For 15 years, neither the magistrates nor the lawyers nor their respective labor unions have demanded that an end be put to this -- a state of affairs that dishonors French justice.
As for Moshe Cohen, he should be reminded of his statement made a few years ago to L'?v?nement du jeudi (Sept. 26, 1991), that every Jew in France is "a displaced person" who has his real roots and future in Israel. He should heed his own advice, and should settle permanently there.
From The Journal of Historical Review, March-April 1996 (Vol. 16, No. 2), pages 2-13.
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