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＜■177行くらい→右の▽クリックで次のコメントにジャンプ可＞ >>83 (補足)
>ウクライナでの2013年のユーロ・マイダン革命の頃、ロンドン・ロスチャイルド財閥は、親ロシア派のヤヌコーヴィチ政権を支援していた。
ロンドン・ロスチャイルド財閥が出資するコンサルタント会社は、ウクライナの2010年の大統領選挙で、親ロシア派のヤヌコーヴィチさん陣営を支援し、ウクライナでの2013年のユーロ・マイダン革命後も、ヤヌコーヴィチ政権を支援し続けていました。
◆ ポール・マナフォート 《ロビイストとして》 マナフォートはこれまでにウクライナのヴィクトル・ヤヌコーヴィチ元大統領やフィリピンのフェルディナンド・マルコス元大統領、コンゴ民主共和国の元独裁者モブツ・セセ・セコ元大統領、アンゴラ内戦の当事者の一人で反政府武装勢力アンゴラ全面独立民族同盟を指揮したジョナス・サヴィンビなどの外国の指導者のためにロビー活動を行なっていた https://ja.wikipedia.org/wiki/%E3%83%9D%E3%83%BC%E3%83%AB%E3%83%BB%E3%83%9E%E3%83%8A%E3%83%95%E3%82%A9%E3%83%BC%E3%83%88
◆ How Paul Manafort Helped Elect Russia’s Man in Ukraine
(Time, By Simon Shuster / Kiev, Ukraine
October 31, 2017 1:36 PM EDT) By the account of his lawyer, Paul Manafort went to work in Ukraine in 2005
with the most spotless of intentions. “[He] represented pro-European Union
campaigns for the Ukrainians,” the attorney, Kevin Downing, said in a
statement. “And in the course of that representation he was seeking to
further democracy and to help the Ukrainians come closer to the United States
and to the E.U.” But that’s not how U.S. diplomats saw it at the time. A U.S. embassy cable
sent from Kiev to Washington in 2006 described Manafort’s job as giving an
“extreme makeover” to a presidential hopeful named Viktor Yanukovych, who
had the backing of the Kremlin and most of Ukraine’s wealthiest tycoons. His
Party of Regions, the cable said, was “a haven” for “mobsters and
oligarchs.” Making things harder for Manafort were the candidate’s rough manners and
criminal past, which had dimmed his chances of winning elections. Oafish and
inarticulate, Yanukovych had served jail time in his youth for theft and
battery. He also had a hard time speaking Ukrainian – the national language –
as he had grown up in the Russian-speaking province of Donetsk. Yet Manafort
accepted the challenge of trying to make Yanukovych electable. The man paying
the exorbitant bills for these efforts was an early backer of the Party of
Regions, the coal and metals magnate Rinat Akhmetov, who soon began calling
Manafort his friend. Such relationships were nothing new to the American political consultant, who
on Monday pleaded not guilty to charges of tax fraud and money laundering
brought by Special Counsel Robert Mueller. The indictment was among the first
brought down as part of Mueller’s investigation into alleged collusion
between Russia and President Donald Trump’s presidential campaign. Though the
charges were not tied directly to Manafort’s work as the chairman of that
campaign in the summer of 2016, they showed that his work as a political gun
for hire is very much in the spotlight. Ukraine was by no means the roughest place Manafort ever worked. His roster of
clients going back to the 1980s has included Congolese and Filipino dictators,
along with a guerilla leader in Angola. But even this range of experience did
not make the Party of Regions an easy customer for Manafort. The reputation of
its leaders had been stained with blood since at least 2000, when some of
Yanukovych’s political patrons were implicated in the murder of Georgy
Gongadze, an investigative journalist who was abducted and beheaded that year. Manafort arrived in Ukraine in the wake of the Orange Revolution, a popular
uprising that blocked the pro-Russian Yanukovych from taking power in
2004. One of the leaders of that revolt, an economist named Viktor Yushchenko,
fell suddenly ill as his movement for European integration was gaining
momentum that fall; doctors determined that he had been poisoned with dioxin,
a substance that turned his telegenic face into a mask of green and yellow
scars. Despite the poisoning, Yushchenko’s supporters carried him to victory in the
2004 presidential race, and the reformer put the country on a path to joining
the European Union and the NATO military alliance. But these efforts were soon
reversed. With guidance from Manafort and backing from Moscow, the Party of Regions made
an astonishing comeback over the next five years, culminating in Yanukovych’s
successful bid for the presidency in 2010. Among the first official acts of
his tenure was to legally bar Ukraine from seeking NATO membership – a move
that effectively granted Russia one of its core geopolitical demands. For his mastery of political campaigning, Manafort was dubbed a “mythical
figure” in the Ukrainian press, and the country’s powerbrokers still give
him much of the credit for turning the pro-Russian party around. “I can tell
you he’s a real specialist,” says Manafort’s friend Dmitry Firtash, the
Ukrainian billionaire and former partner to the Kremlin in the European gas
trade. “He won three elections in Ukraine. He knew what he was doing.” The alleged corruption of Manafort’s employers never made him abandon that
job. Once installed in the presidency, Yanukovych began to amass an enormous
fortune, easing cronies from his home region of Donetsk into key posts around
the country. The President also built an opulent palace for himself outside
Kiev, complete with a private zoo, a golf course and a restaurant in the shape
of a pirate ship docked in his backyard. Yanukovych’s political rivals quickly found themselves under arrest. Chief
among them was the former Prime Minister Yulia Tymoshenko, the gold-braided
heroine of the Orange Revolution, who was charged with abuse of office and
sentenced to seven years in prison in 2011. “It’s normal practice,”
Yanukovych told TIME the following summer, in reference to his jailing of the
opposition leader. “The party is powerful. The voters support it. Today the
President of Ukraine has the highest ratings of any politician.” He owed those ratings at least in part to Manafort’s political coaching,
which included a new wardrobe for the President, as well as a coiffed hairdo
and elocution lessons. But the jailing of Tymoshenko, which U.S. and European
leaders denounced as part of a political vendetta, still dealt a severe blow
to Ukraine’s reputation in the West. It was Manafort’s job to fix that,
too. With money from the Party of Regions and its financial backers, he hired
lobbyists in Washington to spin the imprisonment of Tymoshenko as an example
of Ukraine’s commitment to the rule of law. “Their job is to say that white
is black and black is white,” Tymoshenko’s daughter Eugenia told TIME in
2012. Such services did not come cheap. After another revolution in Ukraine forced
Yanukovych from power in 2014, the national anti-corruption bureau discovered
a secret ledger of off-the-books payments from the Party of Regions;
Manafort’s name appears in the document 22 times, with payments worth $12.7
million designated for him between 2007 and 2012. The indictment released on
Monday in the U.S. claims Manafort and an associate laundered the proceeds of
his work in Ukraine through offshore accounts, and failed to pay U.S. taxes on
the income. Through lawyers and in televised interviews, Manafort has denied receiving any
illegal payments for his work in Ukraine. His attorneys also denied on Monday
that Manafort’s work had advanced Russia’s interests in any way. But Manafort and his associates have not denied the lucrative side projects
that he pursued while working for the Party of Regions. The biggest was an
ultimately fruitless plan to purchase the Drake Hotel in Manhattan in
2008. One of the investors he approached for that project was Firtash, an
early supporter of the Party of Regions, who says he was promised returns of
as much as 50% as part of that deal. “It was partly our money, partly bank
loans. That was the scheme,” he tells TIME. “But the deal didn’t go
through.” Details of the Drake Hotel negotiations remained secret until 2011, when
Tymoshenko filed a lawsuit in Manhattan claiming that the project was in fact
a money-laundering scheme cooked up by Firtash, Manafort and their
associates. A judge in New York threw out that case on the grounds that it
fell outside the court’s jurisdiction. Firtash, for his part, insists it was
part of an effort by Tymoshenko to slander him and his allies in the Party of
Regions. “By hitting me and Manafort, she wanted to hit Yanukovych and his
electorate,” he says. What the lawsuit revealed, at a minimum, is how deeply enmeshed Manafort
became in Ukrainian business and politics during the decade he spent working
for the Party of Regions. Even after the revolution of 2014 turned violent –
with police shooting down dozens of protestors in the streets of Kiev that
February – the American consultant continued to assist his Ukrainian
patrons. He helped the party rebrand itself after it was blamed for the
revolutionary bloodshed, which ultimately took more than a hundred
lives. After the Party of Regions effectively broke apart that fall, Manafort
advised some of its former members on how to win seats in the
post-revolutionary parliament. By that point, there was no longer any question over the party’s allegiance
to Moscow. Yanukovych and his closest allies had fled to Russia as the
uprising against them intensified, and President Putin guaranteed their
security even as he moved to punish Ukraine’s new leaders for turning their
backs on the Kremlin. In the spring of 2014, Russia sent troops to occupy and
annex Ukraine’s Crimea region. It also sent weapons and fighters to spark a
separatist rebellion in Donetsk and other parts of eastern Ukraine, fueling a
conflict that killed thousands of people between 2014 and 2016. https://time.com/5003623/paul-manafort-mueller-indictment-ukraine-russia/
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