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オバマ氏を褒め殺しする
http://www.asyura2.com/15/kokusai12/msg/318.html
投稿者 あっしら 日時 2016 年 1 月 12 日 18:45:52: Mo7ApAlflbQ6s gqCCwYK1guc
 


[風見鶏]オバマ氏を褒め殺しする

 2016年の世界が最も注目するニュースが11月8日の米大統領選挙であることは論をまたない。民主、共和両党の候補者がどんな組み合わせの対決になるにせよ、外交政策の焦点は、中東、ロシア、中国などだろう。

 このうち日本が最も深い関心を持つ対中政策には米政治に一種の公理めいたものがある。どの政権も選挙中は中国に厳しく、政権に就けば現実的対応に変わる点である。

 典型的だったのが01年に発足したブッシュ政権だった。選挙中は中国を「戦略的競争相手」と警戒し、政権末期の08年8月8日には、中国の人権状況に絡めた米国内の批判を承知で北京五輪開会式に参加した。

 例外はオバマ政権だった。08年の選挙中のオバマ氏は「中国も含めた包括的なアジア安保体制」を志向した。日米同盟の相対化であり、共和党のマケイン候補は日米同盟を「アジア外交の中核」に据えていた。

 中国に対しては「世界の課題解決により責任ある立場をとるべきだ」と、責任ある行動に期待する言い方をしていた。これらの政策の「対中融和度」を考えれば、70程度だったろうか。この点ですでにオバマ政権は異質であり、公理を覆していた。

 政権に就いてからも、中国が主張する新型大国関係論に反論せず、融和度は90以上になった。しかし15年10月27日、逆方向に再び公理を覆す。イージス艦「ラッセン」が南シナ海で中国が建設した人工島から12カイリの領海と主張する海域を航行した。融和度は40程度に落ちた。

 だが、日本の月刊誌が形成する外交論壇では懐疑的な意見が目立つ。「中央公論」の1月号(以下同じ)で外交評論家の佐藤優氏は、米艦は国際法で認められる無害通航をしただけであり、「なんらかの明示的、もしくは合意があったうえでの行動」と述べた。

 評論家の桜井よしこ氏も「正論」で「一番望ましい形の進入は、中国が、自分の領海だと主張している十二海里の海域に進んで、そこで軍事行動、軍事訓練をすること」とする。それがなかったから「既に負けている現状」と、厳しい。

 一方、「Voice」は、矢板明夫産経新聞北京総局長の「外洋拡張路線の挫折」を掲載した。副題には「米軍と爆撃機の派遣により傷ついた習主席の権威」とある。中国の敗北、米国の勝利との見立てだ。

 矢板氏の意図を離れ、これはオバマ大統領に対する褒め殺しになる。狙いは小欄でも何回かとりあげてきた尖閣諸島の領有権である。立場をとらないとする米国の態度を変更させ、日本領と認めさせるには、いまが好機であり、それにはオバマ氏に対する褒め殺しが効果的だからだ。

 1970年代初め、米国が尖閣領有権で立場をとらないとしたのは、北京政府ではなく、当時国交のあった台湾への配慮だった。15年の中台首脳会談をみれば、国民党はもはや北京に近い。国民党への配慮は無用である。

 では対中配慮か。融和度がすでに40まで下がっているとすれば、仮に尖閣問題で30に下がっても大差はない。冷戦時代の米ソ関係もそうだったが、2つの大国に世界を共同管理する意識がある時、直接衝突は寸止めで避けられてきた。

 尖閣でオバマ政権が日本の領有権を認めれば、日米間の不信のとげは抜け、対中抑止力も増す。中国は米国との軍事衝突を選べないから、米国は失うものはない。それはオバマ政権が歴史に残すレガシー(遺産)として輝く。

(特別編集委員 伊奈久喜)

[日経新聞1月10日朝刊P.2]

 

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1. 2016年1月13日 19:09:56 : OO6Zlan35k : ScYwLWGZkzE[138]
International | 2016年 01月 13日 13:58 JST

米国は異例な変化に直面、国民結束で試練克服を=大統領一般教書

[ワシントン 12日 ロイター] - オバマ米大統領は12日、最後の一般教書演説で、米国は異例な変化に直面しているものの、米国民が結束すれば試練を克服できると表明した。

大統領は「それは、われわれの政治を修正してこそ実現する」と指摘した。

オバマ大統領はまた、米国が経済的に衰退つつあり、国際社会における地位も低下しているというのは、事実ではないとの見方を示した。

イスラム教徒の入国禁止を提唱するなどの強硬姿勢で人気を集め、米大統領選の共和党指名争いで支持率首位に立っている実業家トランプ氏を念頭に、オバマ大統領は、イスラム教徒を侮辱することは米国の国益にはならず、米国のアイデンティティーに反する、と語気を強めた。

大統領は「政治家がイスラム教徒を侮辱しても、米国の安全性は高まらない」と主張。「それは間違った行いだ。国際社会が米国を軽んじることにつながり、我々の目標達成も遠のくことになる」と強調した。

過激派組織「イスラム国」との戦いについては、誇張して述べるべきではないとした上で、米政権は同組織の壊滅を目指していると言明した。

大統領は「われわれがイスラム国の壊滅に注力するなか、(この戦いを)第三次世界大戦と誇張して表現することは彼らの思うつぼになる」と指摘。

「われわれは彼らをありのままの姿である殺人者、狂信者と呼び、根絶し破壊しなければならない」と述べ、イスラム国壊滅に向けた軍事力行使権限承認(AUMF)を議会に要請した。

<「レガシー作り」を意識>

最後の一般教書演説ということもあり、オバマ大統領は自らの「レガシー作り」につながるようなテーマに時間を割いた。たとえば、刑事司法改革や、通商、貧困撲滅など、議会共和党と妥協しやすい分野だ。

オバマ大統領は一般教書演説で、環太平洋連携協定(TPP)の批准や、銃規制の厳格化、対キューバ禁輸解除などを議員に訴えかけた。

*内容を追加します。
http://jp.reuters.com/article/obama-idJPKCN0UR00H20160113


 


オバマ大統領、最後の一般教書演説で楽観的な展望
By CAROL E. LEE AND COLLEEN MCCAIN NELSON
2016 年 1 月 13 日 15:47 JST

 【ワシントン】オバマ米大統領は12日、任期最後となる一般教書演説を行い、米国が経済・国家安全保障の両問題で大きく前進したと強調し、多くの米国民の悲観的なムードとは裏腹に未来に対して楽観的な展望を示した。

 大統領の演説には、任期満了を間近に控えた大統領の立場が反映されていた。大統領は政策課題を推し進める代わりに、国の未来に対する自らのビジョンを受け入れるよう国民に求め、それを遂行する後継者の選出が必要であることを納得させようとした。

 大統領は「われわれは異例の変化の時代に生きている。われわれの生き方や働き方、地球や世界でわれわれが暮らす場所を再形成する変化だ」と指摘。

 さらに「われわれが望む未来─機会と家族の安全、生活水準の向上、われわれの子供たちのための持続可能で平和な地球─これら全ては手の届く範囲にある」とし、「しかし、団結、理性的で建設的な議論、政治の是正なくして、それはなし得ない」と訴えた。

 ただ、こうした大統領の楽観的な見方とは対照的に米国民の間では自国でのテロの脅威や海外での社会不安の増大に対する懸念が高まっている。

オバマ大統領は「われわれが望む未来─機会と家族の安全、生活水準の向上、われわれの子供たちのための持続可能で平和な地球─これら全ては手の届く範囲にある」とし、「しかし、団結、理性的で建設的な議論、政治の是正なくして、それはなし得ない」と訴えた(英語音声のみ) Photo: Getty
 こうした懸念をあおっているのが、過激派組織「イスラム国」(IS)に感化された最近の事件や12日にトルコ最大の都市イスタンブールで発生したISによる自爆テロだ。それに加え、北朝鮮による核実験やイランによる継続的な挑発、5年目に突入したシリア内戦もある。

 共和党は大統領に対し、演説を利用して詳細な対IS戦略を示し、国民の恐怖心を和らげるよう要求していた。

 ポール・ライアン下院議長(共和、ウィスコンシン州)は12日、イスタンブールの自爆テロに触れ「米国人は自らの治安や世界情勢に非常に不安を感じている」と述べた。

 ウォール・ストリート・ジャーナル(WSJ)とNBCテレビが12月に行った共同世論調査によると、米国民の約70%が国の方向性が間違っていると考えている。また調査では、米国民の51%が大統領の仕事に不支持を表明。支持すると答えた人は43%であることも明らかになった。

 大統領は議会を招集し、自らの優先政策である刑事司法制度の改正、環太平洋経済連携協定(TPP)の締結、対キューバ制裁の解除について承認を求める計画だ。これら政策は両党から支持を得ているが、今年議会で可決されるかは不透明だ。

オバマ氏はがん治療のための国民的努力も訴えた(英語音声のみ) Photo: Getty
 大統領の演説の最大のポイントは経済、テクノロジー、国家安全保障、政治の4つの課題に取り組むよう米国民に求めた点だ。大統領はこれら4つが国の未来の鍵を握ると考えている。

 大統領は、経済をめぐる根強い不安に対処しようと、連邦最低賃金の引き上げなど民主党がおおむね支持する一連の処方箋について米国民に協調を訴えかけた。また、米国がテクノロジーを原動力とする歴史的な経済移行期にあることも強調した。

 大統領が09年の就任時に掲げた優先課題の1つがワシントンの政治改革だったが、大統領はそれが達成できそうにないことに後悔の念を表明した。

 大統領は「任期の中で悔いている数少ないことの1つがそれだ。党派間の遺恨や不信感は改善するどころか悪化した」と述べた。

 さらに米国が軍事力よりも外交的手段を用いて外交政策を成功させたことを指摘し、イラン核合意やキューバとの国交回復を例に挙げた。また、アフリカのエボラ流行を終結させる上で米国が果たした役割も強調した。

 しかし、大統領はイラクとアフガニスタンの戦争を終結させることができないまま任期を終えることになりそうだ。また、任期中にロシアとの関係悪化や中国の強硬化、シリア内戦の泥沼化も起こっている。

イスラム国壊滅に向け、議会は武力行使を承認すべきとも指摘 (英語音声のみ)Photo: Getty
 共和党は、昨年7月の核合意以降も2度の弾道ミサイル実験を行ったイランに対し、もっと強硬姿勢で臨むよう大統領に迫っている。下院は13日、新たな対イラン制裁法案の採決を取る予定だ。ホワイトハウスは大統領が法案に拒否権を発動する方針であることを明らかにした。

 ケビン・マッカーシー下院院内総務(共和、カリフォルニア州)は12日、「下院は大統領を静観しているつもりはない」と述べた。

 大統領は演説でISが米国の存続にとって脅威だと認めるには至らなかった。側近によると、大統領はそれがISを増長させると考えている。

 大統領は「アルカイダもISもわが国民に直接的な脅威を突きつけている。今日の世界では、自らの命を含め人命を全く重んじないテロリストが、たとえ少数でも多大なダメージを与えることができる」としつつも「しかし、われわれの国家的存続を脅かすものではない」と述べた。

 大統領の演説は、移民法改正から税制改革、連邦賃金引き上げ、銃規制の強化に至るまで、自らの2期目の政策課題の重要な法案が任期中に成立しないのはほぼ確実であることを多くの点で認めるものとなった。

 大統領はこれらの問題について大統領令を発令しているが、その影響力は法律がない状態では限られる。大統領は銃規制強化策について積極的に主張していく意向を表明した。

 大統領は気候変動についても新たな大統領令を発令する見通しで、財務省は新たな法人税規制を検討中だ。

*ホワイトハウスが発表した演説原稿(原文/全文)はこちらをクリックしてください。

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オバマ大統領、最後の年に立ち上がれるか
オバマ氏、一般教書演説は共和党の「悲観論」に対抗
【社説】オバマ氏の銃規制、真の目的は大統領選
【オピニオン】おめでたいオバマ大統領−ISの脅威を軽視

Full Text of Obama’s Final State of the Union Speech
ARTICLE
COMMENTS (6)
BARACK OBAMA
STATE OF THE UNION
45

President Barack Obama works at his desk in the Oval Office at the White House January 12, 2016 in Washington, DC. Alex Wong/Getty Images
President Barack Obama, in his final State of the Union address, argued the U.S. has made significant progress on both economic and national-security issues and offer an optimistic vision for the future that stands in contrast to the mood of many Americans. Here is the full text of his prepared remarks as provided by the White House.

* * *

President Obama’s 2016 State of the Union Address

Mr. Speaker, Mr. Vice President, Members of Congress, my fellow Americans:
Tonight marks the eighth year I’ve come here to report on the State of the Union. And for this final one, I’m going to try to make it shorter. I know some of you are antsy to get back to Iowa.

I also understand that because it’s an election season, expectations for what we’ll achieve this year are low. Still, Mr. Speaker, I appreciate the constructive approach you and the other leaders took at the end of last year to pass a budget and make tax cuts permanent for working families. So I hope we can work together this year on bipartisan priorities like criminal justice reform, and helping people who are battling prescription drug abuse. We just might surprise the cynics again.

But tonight, I want to go easy on the traditional list of proposals for the year ahead. Don’t worry, I’ve got plenty, from helping students learn to write computer code to personalizing medical treatments for patients. And I’ll keep pushing for progress on the work that still needs doing. Fixing a broken immigration system. Protecting our kids from gun violence. Equal pay for equal work, paid leave, raising the minimum wage. All these things still matter to hardworking families; they are still the right thing to do; and I will not let up until they get done.

But for my final address to this chamber, I don’t want to talk just about the next year. I want to focus on the next five years, ten years, and beyond.

I want to focus on our future.

We live in a time of extraordinary change — change that’s reshaping the way we live, the way we work, our planet and our place in the world. It’s change that promises amazing medical breakthroughs, but also economic disruptions that strain working families. It promises education for girls in the most remote villages, but also connects terrorists plotting an ocean away. It’s change that can broaden opportunity, or widen inequality. And whether we like it or not, the pace of this change will only accelerate.

America has been through big changes before — wars and depression, the influx of immigrants, workers fighting for a fair deal, and movements to expand civil rights. Each time, there have been those who told us to fear the future; who claimed we could slam the brakes on change, promising to restore past glory if we just got some group or idea that was threatening America under control. And each time, we overcame those fears. We did not, in the words of Lincoln, adhere to the “dogmas of the quiet past.” Instead we thought anew, and acted anew. We made change work for us, always extending America’s promise outward, to the next frontier, to more and more people. And because we did — because we saw opportunity where others saw only peril — we emerged stronger and better than before.

What was true then can be true now. Our unique strengths as a nation — our optimism and work ethic, our spirit of discovery and innovation, our diversity and commitment to the rule of law — these things give us everything we need to ensure prosperity and security for generations to come.

In fact, it’s that spirit that made the progress of these past seven years possible. It’s how we recovered from the worst economic crisis in generations. It’s how we reformed our health care system, and reinvented our energy sector; how we delivered more care and benefits to our troops and veterans, and how we secured the freedom in every state to marry the person we love.

But such progress is not inevitable. It is the result of choices we make together. And we face such choices right now. Will we respond to the changes of our time with fear, turning inward as a nation, and turning against each other as a people? Or will we face the future with confidence in who we are, what we stand for, and the incredible things we can do together?

So let’s talk about the future, and four big questions that we as a country have to answer — regardless of who the next President is, or who controls the next Congress.

First, how do we give everyone a fair shot at opportunity and security in this new economy?
Second, how do we make technology work for us, and not against us — especially when it comes to solving urgent challenges like climate change?

Third, how do we keep America safe and lead the world without becoming its policeman?

And finally, how can we make our politics reflect what’s best in us, and not what’s worst?
Let me start with the economy, and a basic fact: the United States of America, right now, has the strongest, most durable economy in the world. We’re in the middle of the longest streak of private-sector job creation in history. More than 14 million new jobs; the strongest two years of job growth since the ’90s; an unemployment rate cut in half. Our auto industry just had its best year ever. Manufacturing has created nearly 900,000 new jobs in the past six years. And we’ve done all this while cutting our deficits by almost three-quarters.

Anyone claiming that America’s economy is in decline is peddling fiction. What is true — and the reason that a lot of Americans feel anxious — is that the economy has been changing in profound ways, changes that started long before the Great Recession hit and haven’t let up. Today, technology doesn’t just replace jobs on the assembly line, but any job where work can be automated. Companies in a global economy can locate anywhere, and face tougher competition. As a result, workers have less leverage for a raise. Companies have less loyalty to their communities. And more and more wealth and income is concentrated at the very top.

All these trends have squeezed workers, even when they have jobs; even when the economy is growing. It’s made it harder for a hardworking family to pull itself out of poverty, harder for young people to start on their careers, and tougher for workers to retire when they want to. And although none of these trends are unique to America, they do offend our uniquely American belief that everybody who works hard should get a fair shot.

For the past seven years, our goal has been a growing economy that works better for everybody. We’ve made progress. But we need to make more. And despite all the political arguments we’ve had these past few years, there are some areas where Americans broadly agree.

We agree that real opportunity requires every American to get the education and training they need to land a good-paying job. The bipartisan reform of No Child Left Behind was an important start, and together, we’ve increased early childhood education, lifted high school graduation rates to new highs, and boosted graduates in fields like engineering. In the coming years, we should build on that progress, by providing Pre-K for all, offering every student the hands-on computer science and math classes that make them job-ready on day one, and we should recruit and support more great teachers for our kids.

And we have to make college affordable for every American. Because no hardworking student should be stuck in the red. We’ve already reduced student loan payments to ten percent of a borrower’s income. Now, we’ve actually got to cut the cost of college. Providing two years of community college at no cost for every responsible student is one of the best ways to do that, and I’m going to keep fighting to get that started this year.

Of course, a great education isn’t all we need in this new economy. We also need benefits and protections that provide a basic measure of security. After all, it’s not much of a stretch to say that some of the only people in America who are going to work the same job, in the same place, with a health and retirement package, for 30 years, are sitting in this chamber. For everyone else, especially folks in their forties and fifties, saving for retirement or bouncing back from job loss has gotten a lot tougher. Americans understand that at some point in their careers, they may have to retool and retrain. But they shouldn’t lose what they’ve already worked so hard to build.

That’s why Social Security and Medicare are more important than ever; we shouldn’t weaken them, we should strengthen them. And for Americans short of retirement, basic benefits should be just as mobile as everything else is today. That’s what the Affordable Care Act is all about. It’s about filling the gaps in employer-based care so that when we lose a job, or go back to school, or start that new business, we’ll still have coverage. Nearly eighteen million have gained coverage so far. Health care inflation has slowed. And our businesses have created jobs every single month since it became law.

Now, I’m guessing we won’t agree on health care anytime soon. But there should be other ways both parties can improve economic security. Say a hardworking American loses his job — we shouldn’t just make sure he can get unemployment insurance; we should make sure that program encourages him to retrain for a business that’s ready to hire him. If that new job doesn’t pay as much, there should be a system of wage insurance in place so that he can still pay his bills. And even if he’s going from job to job, he should still be able to save for retirement and take his savings with him. That’s the way we make the new economy work better for everyone.

I also know Speaker Ryan has talked about his interest in tackling poverty. America is about giving everybody willing to work a hand up, and I’d welcome a serious discussion about strategies we can all support, like expanding tax cuts for low-income workers without kids.

But there are other areas where it’s been more difficult to find agreement over the last seven years — namely what role the government should play in making sure the system’s not rigged in favor of the wealthiest and biggest corporations. And here, the American people have a choice to make.

I believe a thriving private sector is the lifeblood of our economy. I think there are outdated regulations that need to be changed, and there’s red tape that needs to be cut. But after years of record corporate profits, working families won’t get more opportunity or bigger paychecks by letting big banks or big oil or hedge funds make their own rules at the expense of everyone else; or by allowing attacks on collective bargaining to go unanswered. Food Stamp recipients didn’t cause the financial crisis; recklessness on Wall Street did. Immigrants aren’t the reason wages haven’t gone up enough; those decisions are made in the boardrooms that too often put quarterly earnings over long-term returns. It’s sure not the average family watching tonight that avoids paying taxes through offshore accounts. In this new economy, workers and start-ups and small businesses need more of a voice, not less. The rules should work for them. And this year I plan to lift up the many businesses who’ve figured out that doing right by their workers ends up being good for their shareholders, their customers, and their communities, so that we can spread those best practices across America.

In fact, many of our best corporate citizens are also our most creative. This brings me to the second big question we have to answer as a country: how do we reignite that spirit of innovation to meet our biggest challenges?

Sixty years ago, when the Russians beat us into space, we didn’t deny Sputnik was up there. We didn’t argue about the science, or shrink our research and development budget. We built a space program almost overnight, and twelve years later, we were walking on the moon.

That spirit of discovery is in our DNA. We’re Thomas Edison and the Wright Brothers and George Washington Carver. We’re Grace Hopper and Katherine Johnson and Sally Ride. We’re every immigrant and entrepreneur from Boston to Austin to Silicon Valley racing to shape a better world. And over the past seven years, we’ve nurtured that spirit.

We’ve protected an open internet, and taken bold new steps to get more students and low-income Americans online. We’ve launched next-generation manufacturing hubs, and online tools that give an entrepreneur everything he or she needs to start a business in a single day.

But we can do so much more. Last year, Vice President Biden said that with a new moonshot, America can cure cancer. Last month, he worked with this Congress to give scientists at the National Institutes of Health the strongest resources they’ve had in over a decade. Tonight, I’m announcing a new national effort to get it done. And because he’s gone to the mat for all of us, on so many issues over the past forty years, I’m putting Joe in charge of Mission Control. For the loved ones we’ve all lost, for the family we can still save, let’s make America the country that cures cancer once and for all.

Medical research is critical. We need the same level of commitment when it comes to developing clean energy sources.

Look, if anybody still wants to dispute the science around climate change, have at it. You’ll be pretty lonely, because you’ll be debating our military, most of America’s business leaders, the majority of the American people, almost the entire scientific community, and 200 nations around the world who agree it’s a problem and intend to solve it.

But even if the planet wasn’t at stake; even if 2014 wasn’t the warmest year on record — until 2015 turned out even hotter — why would we want to pass up the chance for American businesses to produce and sell the energy of the future?

Seven years ago, we made the single biggest investment in clean energy in our history. Here are the results. In fields from Iowa to Texas, wind power is now cheaper than dirtier, conventional power. On rooftops from Arizona to New York, solar is saving Americans tens of millions of dollars a year on their energy bills, and employs more Americans than coal — in jobs that pay better than average. We’re taking steps to give homeowners the freedom to generate and store their own energy — something environmentalists and Tea Partiers have teamed up to support. Meanwhile, we’ve cut our imports of foreign oil by nearly sixty percent, and cut carbon pollution more than any other country on Earth.

Gas under two bucks a gallon ain’t bad, either.

Now we’ve got to accelerate the transition away from dirty energy. Rather than subsidize the past, we should invest in the future — especially in communities that rely on fossil fuels. That’s why I’m going to push to change the way we manage our oil and coal resources, so that they better reflect the costs they impose on taxpayers and our planet. That way, we put money back into those communities and put tens of thousands of Americans to work building a 21st century transportation system.

None of this will happen overnight, and yes, there are plenty of entrenched interests who want to protect the status quo. But the jobs we’ll create, the money we’ll save, and the planet we’ll preserve — that’s the kind of future our kids and grandkids deserve.

Climate change is just one of many issues where our security is linked to the rest of the world. And that’s why the third big question we have to answer is how to keep America safe and strong without either isolating ourselves or trying to nation-build everywhere there’s a problem.

I told you earlier all the talk of America’s economic decline is political hot air. Well, so is all the rhetoric you hear about our enemies getting stronger and America getting weaker. The United States of America is the most powerful nation on Earth. Period. It’s not even close. We spend more on our military than the next eight nations combined. Our troops are the finest fighting force in the history of the world. No nation dares to attack us or our allies because they know that’s the path to ruin. Surveys show our standing around the world is higher than when I was elected to this office, and when it comes to every important international issue, people of the world do not look to Beijing or Moscow to lead — they call us.

As someone who begins every day with an intelligence briefing, I know this is a dangerous time. But that’s not because of diminished American strength or some looming superpower. In today’s world, we’re threatened less by evil empires and more by failing states. The Middle East is going through a transformation that will play out for a generation, rooted in conflicts that date back millennia. Economic headwinds blow from a Chinese economy in transition. Even as their economy contracts, Russia is pouring resources to prop up Ukraine and Syria — states they see slipping away from their orbit. And the international system we built after World War II is now struggling to keep pace with this new reality.

It’s up to us to help remake that system. And that means we have to set priorities.

Priority number one is protecting the American people and going after terrorist networks. Both al Qaeda and now ISIL pose a direct threat to our people, because in today’s world, even a handful of terrorists who place no value on human life, including their own, can do a lot of damage. They use the Internet to poison the minds of individuals inside our country; they undermine our allies.

But as we focus on destroying ISIL, over-the-top claims that this is World War III just play into their hands. Masses of fighters on the back of pickup trucks and twisted souls plotting in apartments or garages pose an enormous danger to civilians and must be stopped. But they do not threaten our national existence. That’s the story ISIL wants to tell; that’s the kind of propaganda they use to recruit. We don’t need to build them up to show that we’re serious, nor do we need to push away vital allies in this fight by echoing the lie that ISIL is representative of one of the world’s largest religions. We just need to call them what they are — killers and fanatics who have to be rooted out, hunted down, and destroyed.

That’s exactly what we are doing. For more than a year, America has led a coalition of more than 60 countries to cut off ISIL’s financing, disrupt their plots, stop the flow of terrorist fighters, and stamp out their vicious ideology. With nearly 10,000 air strikes, we are taking out their leadership, their oil, their training camps, and their weapons. We are training, arming, and supporting forces who are steadily reclaiming territory in Iraq and Syria.

If this Congress is serious about winning this war, and wants to send a message to our troops and the world, you should finally authorize the use of military force against ISIL. Take a vote. But the American people should know that with or without Congressional action, ISIL will learn the same lessons as terrorists before them. If you doubt America’s commitment — or mine — to see that justice is done, ask Osama bin Laden. Ask the leader of al Qaeda in Yemen, who was taken out last year, or the perpetrator of the Benghazi attacks, who sits in a prison cell. When you come after Americans, we go after you. It may take time, but we have long memories, and our reach has no limit.

Our foreign policy must be focused on the threat from ISIL and al Qaeda, but it can’t stop there. For even without ISIL, instability will continue for decades in many parts of the world — in the Middle East, in Afghanistan and Pakistan, in parts of Central America, Africa and Asia. Some of these places may become safe havens for new terrorist networks; others will fall victim to ethnic conflict, or famine, feeding the next wave of refugees. The world will look to us to help solve these problems, and our answer needs to be more than tough talk or calls to carpet bomb civilians. That may work as a TV sound bite, but it doesn’t pass muster on the world stage.

We also can’t try to take over and rebuild every country that falls into crisis. That’s not leadership; that’s a recipe for quagmire, spilling American blood and treasure that ultimately weakens us. It’s the lesson of Vietnam, of Iraq — and we should have learned it by now.

Fortunately, there’s a smarter approach, a patient and disciplined strategy that uses every element of our national power. It says America will always act, alone if necessary, to protect our people and our allies; but on issues of global concern, we will mobilize the world to work with us, and make sure other countries pull their own weight.

That’s our approach to conflicts like Syria, where we’re partnering with local forces and leading international efforts to help that broken society pursue a lasting peace.

That’s why we built a global coalition, with sanctions and principled diplomacy, to prevent a nuclear-armed Iran. As we speak, Iran has rolled back its nuclear program, shipped out its uranium stockpile, and the world has avoided another war.

That’s how we stopped the spread of Ebola in West Africa. Our military, our doctors, and our development workers set up the platform that allowed other countries to join us in stamping out that epidemic.

That’s how we forged a Trans-Pacific Partnership to open markets, protect workers and the environment, and advance American leadership in Asia. It cuts 18,000 taxes on products Made in America, and supports more good jobs. With TPP, China doesn’t set the rules in that region, we do. You want to show our strength in this century? Approve this agreement. Give us the tools to enforce it.

Fifty years of isolating Cuba had failed to promote democracy, setting us back in Latin America. That’s why we restored diplomatic relations, opened the door to travel and commerce, and positioned ourselves to improve the lives of the Cuban people. You want to consolidate our leadership and credibility in the hemisphere? Recognize that the Cold War is over. Lift the embargo.

American leadership in the 21st century is not a choice between ignoring the rest of the world — except when we kill terrorists; or occupying and rebuilding whatever society is unraveling. Leadership means a wise application of military power, and rallying the world behind causes that are right. It means seeing our foreign assistance as part of our national security, not charity. When we lead nearly 200 nations to the most ambitious agreement in history to fight climate change — that helps vulnerable countries, but it also protects our children. When we help Ukraine defend its democracy, or Colombia resolve a decades-long war, that strengthens the international order we depend upon. When we help African countries feed their people and care for the sick, that prevents the next pandemic from reaching our shores. Right now, we are on track to end the scourge of HIV/AIDS, and we have the capacity to accomplish the same thing with malaria — something I’ll be pushing this Congress to fund this year.

That’s strength. That’s leadership. And that kind of leadership depends on the power of our example. That is why I will keep working to shut down the prison at Guantanamo: it’s expensive, it’s unnecessary, and it only serves as a recruitment brochure for our enemies.

That’s why we need to reject any politics that targets people because of race or religion. This isn’t a matter of political correctness. It’s a matter of understanding what makes us strong. The world respects us not just for our arsenal; it respects us for our diversity and our openness and the way we respect every faith. His Holiness, Pope Francis, told this body from the very spot I stand tonight that “to imitate the hatred and violence of tyrants and murderers is the best way to take their place.” When politicians insult Muslims, when a mosque is vandalized, or a kid bullied, that doesn’t make us safer. That’s not telling it like it is. It’s just wrong. It diminishes us in the eyes of the world. It makes it harder to achieve our goals. And it betrays who we are as a country.

“We the People.”

Our Constitution begins with those three simple words, words we’ve come to recognize mean all the people, not just some; words that insist we rise and fall together. That brings me to the fourth, and maybe the most important thing I want to say tonight.

The future we want — opportunity and security for our families; a rising standard of living and a sustainable, peaceful planet for our kids — all that is within our reach. But it will only happen if we work together. It will only happen if we can have rational, constructive debates.
It will only happen if we fix our politics.

A better politics doesn’t mean we have to agree on everything. This is a big country, with different regions and attitudes and interests. That’s one of our strengths, too. Our Founders distributed power between states and branches of government, and expected us to argue, just as they did, over the size and shape of government, over commerce and foreign relations, over the meaning of liberty and the imperatives of security.

But democracy does require basic bonds of trust between its citizens. It doesn’t work if we think the people who disagree with us are all motivated by malice, or that our political opponents are unpatriotic. Democracy grinds to a halt without a willingness to compromise; or when even basic facts are contested, and we listen only to those who agree with us. Our public life withers when only the most extreme voices get attention. Most of all, democracy breaks down when the average person feels their voice doesn’t matter; that the system is rigged in favor of the rich or the powerful or some narrow interest.

Too many Americans feel that way right now. It’s one of the few regrets of my presidency — that the rancor and suspicion between the parties has gotten worse instead of better. There’s no doubt a president with the gifts of Lincoln or Roosevelt might have better bridged the divide, and I guarantee I’ll keep trying to be better so long as I hold this office.

But, my fellow Americans, this cannot be my task — or any President’s — alone. There are a whole lot of folks in this chamber who would like to see more cooperation, a more elevated debate in Washington, but feel trapped by the demands of getting elected. I know; you’ve told me. And if we want a better politics, it’s not enough to just change a Congressman or a Senator or even a President; we have to change the system to reflect our better selves.

We have to end the practice of drawing our congressional districts so that politicians can pick their voters, and not the other way around. We have to reduce the influence of money in our politics, so that a handful of families and hidden interests can’t bankroll our elections — and if our existing approach to campaign finance can’t pass muster in the courts, we need to work together to find a real solution. We’ve got to make voting easier, not harder, and modernize it for the way we live now. And over the course of this year, I intend to travel the country to push for reforms that do.

But I can’t do these things on my own. Changes in our political process — in not just who gets elected but how they get elected — that will only happen when the American people demand it. It will depend on you. That’s what’s meant by a government of, by, and for the people.

What I’m asking for is hard. It’s easier to be cynical; to accept that change isn’t possible, and politics is hopeless, and to believe that our voices and actions don’t matter. But if we give up now, then we forsake a better future. Those with money and power will gain greater control over the decisions that could send a young soldier to war, or allow another economic disaster, or roll back the equal rights and voting rights that generations of Americans have fought, even died, to secure. As frustration grows, there will be voices urging us to fall back into tribes, to scapegoat fellow citizens who don’t look like us, or pray like us, or vote like we do, or share the same background.

We can’t afford to go down that path. It won’t deliver the economy we want, or the security we want, but most of all, it contradicts everything that makes us the envy of the world.

So, my fellow Americans, whatever you may believe, whether you prefer one party or no party, our collective future depends on your willingness to uphold your obligations as a citizen. To vote. To speak out. To stand up for others, especially the weak, especially the vulnerable, knowing that each of us is only here because somebody, somewhere, stood up for us. To stay active in our public life so it reflects the goodness and decency and optimism that I see in the American people every single day.

It won’t be easy. Our brand of democracy is hard. But I can promise that a year from now, when I no longer hold this office, I’ll be right there with you as a citizen — inspired by those voices of fairness and vision, of grit and good humor and kindness that have helped America travel so far. Voices that help us see ourselves not first and foremost as black or white or Asian or Latino, not as gay or straight, immigrant or native born; not as Democrats or Republicans, but as Americans first, bound by a common creed. Voices Dr. King believed would have the final word — voices of unarmed truth and unconditional love.

They’re out there, those voices. They don’t get a lot of attention, nor do they seek it, but they are busy doing the work this country needs doing.

I see them everywhere I travel in this incredible country of ours. I see you. I know you’re there. You’re the reason why I have such incredible confidence in our future. Because I see your quiet, sturdy citizenship all the time.

I see it in the worker on the assembly line who clocked extra shifts to keep his company open, and the boss who pays him higher wages to keep him on board.

I see it in the Dreamer who stays up late to finish her science project, and the teacher who comes in early because he knows she might someday cure a disease.

I see it in the American who served his time, and dreams of starting over — and the business owner who gives him that second chance. The protester determined to prove that justice matters, and the young cop walking the beat, treating everybody with respect, doing the brave, quiet work of keeping us safe.

I see it in the soldier who gives almost everything to save his brothers, the nurse who tends to him ’til he can run a marathon, and the community that lines up to cheer him on.

It’s the son who finds the courage to come out as who he is, and the father whose love for that son overrides everything he’s been taught.

I see it in the elderly woman who will wait in line to cast her vote as long as she has to; the new citizen who casts his for the first time; the volunteers at the polls who believe every vote should count, because each of them in different ways know how much that precious right is worth.
That’s the America I know. That’s the country we love. Clear-eyed. Big-hearted. Optimistic that unarmed truth and unconditional love will have the final word. That’s what makes me so hopeful about our future. Because of you. I believe in you. That’s why I stand here confident that the State of our Union is strong.

Thank you, God bless you, and God bless the United States of America.

______________________________________________________

2016 Election Calendar | WSJ/NBC Polls | 2016 Poll Standings

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http://blogs.wsj.com/washwire/2016/01/12/full-text-of-obamas-final-state-of-the-union-speech/


2. 2016年1月13日 21:34:19 : OO6Zlan35k : ScYwLWGZkzE[140]
オバマ大統領が一般教書演説「世界の安全は各国で分担」
1月13日 17時36分
 
アメリカのオバマ大統領は、任期中最後となる一般教書演説を行い、安全保障面の優先課題として、過激派組織IS=イスラミックステートの壊滅を挙げる一方、アメリカが過度な負担を負わず、同盟国や友好国と分担して、世界の安全を確保したいという考えを強調しました。
来年1月に任期を終えるオバマ大統領は12日、アメリカ議会で、およそ1時間にわたって、内政・外交の施政方針を示す最後の一般教書演説を行い、雇用の改善や、医療保険制度改革の実現など、就任以来7年間の成果を強調しました。
そして、外交・安全保障の面でオバマ大統領は、イランの核開発問題の最終合意や、54年ぶりのキューバとの国交回復、さらに地球温暖化対策の国連の会議、COP21の合意などを挙げて、みずからの成果を強調し、ISの壊滅を優先課題に挙げました。
一方で、国際社会でのアメリカの指導力が失われたと指摘されていることに対して、「敵が強くなり、アメリカが弱くなっていると言われるが、アメリカ軍は歴史上、最強だ。重要な懸案について、世界の人が頼るのは、中国やロシアではなくアメリカだ」と反論しました。ただ、「世界の警察官をやめ、どのようにアメリカの安全を保ち、世界を導くかが問題だ」とも述べ、アメリカが過度な軍事的な負担を負うことには改めて否定的な姿勢を示しました。
イスラム過激派によるテロや、ロシア、中国の動向など、国際秩序の不安定化も指摘されるなか、オバマ大統領が最後となる一般教書演説でどのような姿勢を見せるのか注目されましたが、同盟国や友好国と負担を分担しながら、世界の安全を確保すべきだという考えを強調するものとなりました。
野党・共和党 全米向けに反対演説
オバマ大統領が一般教書演説を行ったあと、野党・共和党は全米に向けてテレビで反対演説を行いました。共和党が反対演説を行う人物に選んだのは、サウスカロライナ州のニッキー・ヘイリー知事で、ヘイリー知事がインドからの移民の家庭の出身で2人の子どもの母親でもあることから、共和党としては、大統領選挙を視野に、移民や女性の支持を得ようというねらいもあったとみられます。
ヘイリー知事は演説の中で、「オバマ大統領の高らかな主張には全く実績が伴っていない」と批判するとともに、「任期はもうすぐ終わり、アメリカが新しい方向に転換するチャンスが訪れる」と述べて、ことし11月に行われる大統領選挙で政権交代が実現することに期待を示しました。さらにヘイリー知事は、不法移民や目的がはっきりしない難民の入国を止め、テロや犯罪を防がなければならないと強調したほか、オバマ大統領が成果として強調する医療保険制度改革については、「悲惨な制度は撤廃し、コスト削減と医師の確保につながる改革を行わなければならない」と訴えました。
オバマ大統領の一般教書演説を巡っては、このほか、議会下院の外交委員会の委員長を務める共和党のロイス議員が声明を発表し、「オバマ大統領はこの7年間、同盟国よりも敵を助長し、国に危険をもたらした」としたうえで、核実験を行った北朝鮮への対策や、過激派組織IS=イスラミックステートを壊滅するための包括的な戦略が示されなかったと指摘し、「オバマ大統領は高まる脅威を次の政権に押しつけようとしているようだ」と批判しました。
クリントン氏は称賛 共和党候補は一斉に批判
オバマ大統領の一般教書演説のあと、アメリカ大統領選挙で与党・民主党の最有力候補とみられているクリントン前国務長官は、みずからのツイッターで、「オバマ大統領の指導力のおかげで、アメリカはさらによくなった。進展があった7年であり、後退させるのではなく、前進させる必要がある」と述べ、オバマ大統領の成果をたたえるとともに、大統領を目指す決意を示しました。
一方、野党・共和党では、支持率トップのトランプ氏が、ツイッターで、「とにかく退屈で、無気力で見るに堪えなかった」と述べたほか、支持率2位のクルーズ上院議員も、「オバマ大統領が達成した外交成果は、『アメリカに死を』と叫ぶ過激なイランに多額の資金を送ることになっただけだ」と批判ました。また、共和党のジェブ・ブッシュ元フロリダ州知事も、「過激派組織IS=イスラミックステートが台頭し、北朝鮮は核実験を行い、シリアは混乱に陥っている。オバマ大統領は、安全になったというが、別の世界に住んでいるに違いない」と、オバマ大統領のこれまでの外交政策を痛烈に皮肉るなど、共和党の各候補は一斉に演説を批判しました。
米メディアは
オバマ大統領の一般教書演説について、ウォール・ストリート・ジャーナルは過激派組織IS=イスラミックステートなどによるテロが世界各地で相次ぐ中、「大統領が提示した楽観的な見方は、多くのアメリカ人が感じている気分とは対照的だった」と指摘しました。
またニューヨーク・タイムズはオバマ大統領が一般教書演説で「私が大統領として後悔しているのは、党派間の悪意や疑念が改善するよりもむしろひどくなったことだ」と述べたことをあげて、「希望と変革をかかげ、政治そのものを変えると誓ったオバマ大統領だったが、最後の一般教書演説でその実現には遠く及ばなかったことを認めた」と論じています。さらに、ニューヨーク・タイムズは、オバマ大統領が演説のなかで「人種や宗教を理由に人を攻撃するような政治は拒否しなければならない」と述べたのは、ことしの大統領選挙に向けた野党・共和党の指名争いでトップを走るトランプ氏が「イスラム教徒の入国を禁止すべきだ」などと発言したことを、名指しすることは避けつつも批判したものだ、と指摘しました。
一方、ABCテレビは「オバマ大統領がこれほど政治的な脚光を浴びることはもうないかもしれないが、彼はその機会を使って国民の注目を自身の成果に向けさせ、遠い昔に消えてしまった情熱を取り戻そうとした」と分析しています。
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http://www3.nhk.or.jp/news/html/20160113/k10010369921000.html

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